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I. Introduction to Peace
“He becomes endowed with that kind of wise insight which allows him
to see all beings as on the way to slaughter. Great compassion thereby
takes hold of him … and he radiates great friendliness and compassion over
all those beings, and gives attention to them.”
In the wisdom literature of Mahayana Buddhism, this short excerpt is
often quoted to define the person who has made peacemaking a vocation in
the face of the manifold threats challenging our global village today.
Indeed, this passionate sense of solidarity with the whole human family
- with those who suffer everywhere as much as with those who do not yet
know what suffering may await them - is not simply a matter of ethics or
politics. In its essence, it is the ultimate intersection where the vertical
dimension of our highest spirituality must cross the horizontal dimension
of our broadest humanity. It is the place in our lives where love becomes
the beginning and the end of our being.
I have been thinking a lot about peacemaking these days. And when I
have not thought - or written - about it, others have awakened in me through
their statements, analyses or articles a miasma of beliefs - and prejudices
- that colour my own position. It suffices that a person start talking
about the role of religion in situations of conflict, or to excoriate -
whether intelligently or unintelligently, knowingly or unknowingly - the
attitude of religious communities toward those who have been impacted by
this conflict, that my mind simply shifts gear and goes into overdrive!
So this article will attempt to address - albeit briefly - three compartments
of thought. The first part will relate to the role and viability of religions
in peacemaking. The second part will provide a personal analysis of the
situation today - both in political and human terms. The final part
will suggest the bare bones of a tentative scenario for peace in the Holy
Land.
II. Religions and Peacemaking:
Any Common Threads?
“It is one of the major tragedies of the world that the great
religions instead of unifying mankind in mutual understanding and goodwill
divide mankind by their dogmatic claims and prejudices. They affirm
that religious truth is attained in this or that special region, by this
or that chosen race, condemning others either to borrow from it or else
suffer spiritual destitution.”
This is what the great Hindu thinker Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan once wrote,
and one can almost imagine an audible sigh as he concluded this sentence!
Yet, despite the fact that religion has often been misdirected or misused,
it is also true that many religions - whether Christianity, the two other
monotheistic religions or some of the polytheistic ones - believe firmly
that their own spiritual heritage can be a bridge for reconciliation and
a force for non-violence. So what are those spiritual themes and
resources which project our visions of peace and thereby shape a theology
of peace? By and large, religions:
· Profess visions of God as loving, merciful and compassionate
- the source of inner peace, as well as peace in relationships amongst
persons and nations;
· Proclaim the unity and inter-dependence of the whole human
family;
· Affirm non-violence and reconciliation - not only as matters
of principle but as active powers for overcoming hostility;
· Repudiate egotism, racism, jingoism, xenophobia and materialism
- by asserting the humanity of the ‘neighbour’;
· Stress justice for the poor, oppressed and marginalised;
· Exalt the value and power of the individual human spirit;
· Promise life after death - in other words, immortality and
continuity.
Different religious traditions express these themes with different
methods or emphases. But if we truly aspire to emulate the biblical concept
of shalom as mentioned in the Book of Isaiah (Is 32:15-18), we must become
more inclusive in our attitudes toward others and aim for harmony
with health, wholeness and peace in a community replete with love and justice.
III. Where are We Today?
“A universal compassion is needed, to be extended to all living
beings … All sentient beings are involved in suffering; all are struggling
in a dark ignorance that blinds them to the truth of their own nature and
the laws that govern their existence … If each of us were to realise that
whatsoever he does to another he does in effect to himself, through the
law of reciprocal compassion, this world would become a happy and peaceful
place.”
None other than U Thant, a former secretary-general of the United
Nations, uttered those words in a discourse he gave in New York in 1967.
To come to terms with such words, it is important to examine conscientiously
and truthfully the existential realities that beset both peoples of this
land today - well into the seventh week of the Intifada of Al-Aqsa - and
to highlight those areas that are ostensibly impacting the fragile relationships
betwixt Palestinians and Israelis here and now.
· The confrontations that have stubbornly engaged most Palestinian
towns of the West Bank and Gaza are deadly and painful symptoms of the
failure of Oslo as a framework for negotiations. With a political handshake
in 1993, Oslo was meant to engender a momentum that broke down the barriers
between two peoples and led toward a just peace;
· But Oslo introduced instead a piecemeal approach to the Palestinian
situation where the geographical contiguity and human proximity of a people
were seriously compromised. By dragging its feet in the implementation
of the accords, as much as by using the USA as the sole broker for peace,
Israel turned Palestine into Swiss cheese with small holes that represent
pockets of so-called self-authority. The major issues were left unresolved,
and uncertainty abounded. Therefore, a realisation dawned gradually upon
people that the sole means of achieving a genuine peace in this land is
by implementing the principles of international legality as represented
by the binding UN Security Council resolutions;
· One result of the Intifada is that it has strengthened the
unity amongst the Palestinian grass roots. The previous tensions and fissures
between Muslim and Muslim, Christian and Christian or Muslim and Christian
have diminished to a large degree. A sense of solidarity has crept into
the relationship between all Palestinians - Christians and Muslims alike;
· A new word - at least for me - of mousta’ribim or mousta’rivim
has re-entered into the political lexicon. Loosely translated into English
as arabists, these people are Israeli Jews disguised as Arabs who are allegedly
infiltrating into Palestinian towns and then notifying the Israeli establishment
of the Palestinian positions or movements;
· Israel often states that the Palestinians started the Intifada,
and that Israel is merely defending itself. Israel further adds that it
is exercising restraint in its counter-measures. True, Palestinians started
the Intifada after the visit of the Israeli Opposition leader to the Muslim
Noble Sanctuary. Palestinians also throw stones and even molotov cocktails
at the Israelis, and at times fire at Israeli positions during the confrontations
- be those military targets or settlements;
· However, I still find the Israeli response disproportionate.
It reminds me of an Armenian folk tale where a man uses a gong to swat
a fly! Whilst Palestinians are certainly not flies, the imagery stands
well. Does Israel need to shell houses with bombs in response to a few
bullets? Is this excess meant to calm down - or more likely to exacerbate
- the tense situation in this land? Is Israel not falling into the same
trap it did with Oslo when it dictates its terms to Palestinians?
· The Israeli closures of the West Bank and Gaza are stifling
a whole people. With a system of curfews, products and commodities are
now scarce, the economy is losing 200 million dollars per day, 32% of the
erstwhile labour force in the West Bank and 40% in Gaza are on the dole,
and people cannot move from point to point - even to pray! This form of
collective punishment cannot be viewed as the ideal way to appease a people
or to convince them to cease the Intifada. Nor can it prove to Palestinians
that they have the beginnings of what could be defined as an (in)dependent
state;
· Palestinians and Israelis must both stop the incitements and
sensationalism that appear regularly on television screens and in newspapers.
Although there might exist a certain domestic logic to such actions, I
maintain that the graphic relay of each death or funeral hypes up Palestinians
for another confrontation. Equally, a graphic relay of fire exchanges between
Beit Jala and Gilo also hypes up both Beit Jala residents and Gilo settlers.
Fear-mongering, crisis election and visual angst do not help calm the
psyche of two peoples who feel - in their own right - outraged, injured
or violated;
· Palestinians should exert every possible effort to keep young
and under-18 children away from the flash-points or hot-spots. This is
a national responsibility commensurate with article 1 of the Optional Protocol
of the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child. It does not matter whether
the deaths of so many children occurred on their way home or to school,
as accidental passers-by, as innocent adventure-seekers or as premeditated
stone-throwers. The priority - as Mrs Mary Robinson, UN Human Rights Commissioner
put it - is to protect those young generations.
· However, a corresponding responsibility lies upon Israel since
it is inadmissible under any international norm to aim at heads (eyes)
or chests (hearts) in any confrontation. Alternative means of riot control
must be used by the Israeli army;
· The Intifada of Al-Aqsa that began on 28 September 2000 has
gradually transmogrified into an Intifada for independence. In other words,
an initial religious reaction has now assumed ethno-national dimensions.
Hence, it is cardinal for Palestinians to ensure that they possess the
appropriate tools, structures and strategies that define their long-term
objectives. It is quite dangerous to allow oneself to be led by sheer momentum;
· Stereotypes that Palestinians and Israelis project of each
other are becoming increasingly demoniac and shrill. There is a critical
level of rage, hatred and frustration - conscious or unconscious - in both
peoples’ hearts. I see so much evidence of it - in the slogans being used
by each side, in the way one side describes the other, in the graffiti
on walls in Israeli and Palestinian neighbourhoods. Such behavioural patterns
are denigrating and ultimately destructive.
IV. Tentative Vision for
the Future?
“The ultimate weakness of violence is that it is a descending
spiral, begetting the very thing it seeks to destroy. Instead of
diminishing evil, it multiplies it … Returning violence for violence multiplies
violence, adding deeper darkness to a night already devoid of stars.
Darkness cannot drive out darkness; only light can do that. Hatred
cannot drive out hatred: only love can do that.”
These are strong and uncompromising words coming from Revd Martin
Luther King. Not only do they initiate a debate on the nature and forms
of violence or apply directly to the confrontations between Palestinians
and Israelis in the Holy Land today. They also provide a window of hope
for the future. As a priest friend of mine from Jerusalem told me last
week, “one must look, evaluate, and then act.” Having looked at the
religious and scriptural standpoints, and having then evaluated the
situation, let me now act by sketching my broad personal map for the future.
I am confident that a battery of experts, lawyers and technocrats can flesh
out any such agreement with the necessary political logic and language.
However, let me also add that I am not engaged here in producing
a political paper or initiating a nationalist discourse. My concern focuses
on the human dimension. The Christian faith I struggle to uphold is predicated
upon the belief that we are all born equal in the image and likeness of
God. How can this belief be transposed onto a political reality?
· I am starting off with the premiss that the historical land
of Palestine - in other words the territories of 1948- has already been
left out of the ambit of the Israeli-Palestinian negotiations. This implies
that any negotiated settlement resulting in a viable and acceptable Palestinian
statehood would also translate into a recognition of Israel by all Arab
countries. It also means that the Palestinians will have kicked off their
negotiations with a large territorial concession of their own, and that
the claims of intransigence against them do not echo the truth in real
historical terms;
· The starting point for the negotiations should be the status
quo ante that existed on 4 June 1967. This emphasises the inadmissibility
of the acquisition of land by force as embodied in UNSC 242. It means that
the territories of the West Bank and Gaza that are still occupied by Israel
should be returned to full Palestinian sovereignty. Nonetheless, and given
that the larger Israeli settlement blocs constitute a human, geographic
and demographic realities, territorial modifications or swaps could be
made to the map. The more remote and smaller settlements strewn all over
the West Bank and Gaza should be dismantled and their residents compensated
fully in order to help them re-locate elsewhere;
· Claims that Jerusalem is the ‘eternal capital of Israel’ are
indefensible! God alone is eternal - not a capital! As a multi-faith hub,
Jerusalem would remain an open city. The western part would become a capital
for Israel, and its corresponding eastern part a capital for Palestine.
In the old city, the Christian, Armenian and Muslim quarters would come
under Palestinian political control, whilst the Jewish quarter and the
Western Wall would remain under Israeli political control. The three faith
communities would administer their own holy sites. Finally, to ensure success
in its implementation, this accord would be buttressed up by international
guarantees from a UN-like international body;
· Insofar as the refugee issue is concerned, Israel must recognise
the principle of a right of return and compensation for Palestinian refugees
as incorporated in UNSC 194. I personally believe that very few refugees
would actually return to Israel, and that most of them would either opt
to stay in their adopted countries or else re-settle in Palestine. However,
acceptance of the principle itself by Israel will indicate its adherence
to international obligations and lead to a ‘purification of memory’ that
will inevitably foster some measure of goodwill amongst both parties;
V. Conclusive Remarks
Is there anyone among you who is wise and understanding? He is
to prove it by his good life, by his good deeds performed with humility
and wisdom. But if in your heart you are jealous, bitter and selfish, do
not sin against the truth by boasting of your wisdom. Such wisdom
does not come down from heaven; it belongs to the world. But the
wisdom from above is pure first of all; it is also peaceful, gentle and
friendly; it is full of compassion and produces a harvest of good deeds;
it is free from prejudice and hypocrisy. And goodness is the harvest
that is produced from the seeds that peacemakers plant in peace.”
Jas 3: vv13-18
Throughout my article, I have constantly used the words ‘peace’ and
‘compassion’. I have argued that it is possible to reach a peaceful
and just settlement between Palestinians and Israelis if both sides are
willing to be peace-driven and compassion-bound. They should be willing
to rely on a wisdom that is peaceful, gentle, friendly and full of compassion.
They should free themselves of prejudice and hypocrisy, planting instead
the seeds of peace in their societies. As St Paul writes in his Letter,
“don’t do anything from selfish ambition or from a cheap desire to boast,
but be humble toward one another, always considering others better than
yourselves. And look out for one another’s interests, not just for
your own” Phil 2: vv 3-4.
Making peace is hard! After all, the expression goes that one
sues for peace! And making peace on the basis of Christian values
becomes even harder since the goalposts are so much higher! But peacemakers
should persevere in their irenic task since establishing peace in this
land also means planting at long last the first saplings of justice too.
I remain convinced that both peoples are not only meant to live together
- as politicians constantly remind us - but actually can live together.
Bereft of stultifying ideologies or stunted stances, and annealed in a
vision that is inclusive, it is possible for both Palestinians and Israelis
to rise above their mutually negating differences and to aim for a neighbourliness
that remains healthy and rewarding for both peoples. But so long
as vested interests play their part, the challenge becomes even more defiant.
In an article in the Tablet on 11 November 2000, Rabbi Lionel Blue from
England writes, The present problem is not ownership but the fear and hatred
which have become endemic in a small area about the size of Wales, with
two nations claiming the same capital, and three religions each of which
has its own memories and hurts … Two states must be accepted in that small
country and must share Jerusalem equally and fairly. Israel-Palestine
is home to all in it and all who regard it as home, whether Palestinian
refugees or persecuted Jews. The heroic intelligence and determination
which created the State of Israel can accomplish that too if it enables
expensive ‘swords’ to be turned into ‘ploughshares’ of technology. The
cost of the settlements which have held Israel to ransom is too high.”
Is any of this feasible? I do not know! Would either party respond to
it? Who knows! Is it likely that people would smirk and then dismiss it
as being far too impractical or partisan to one side or other? Probably!
But should it be done? Definitely!
The longer the problem is left unresolved or patched up shabbily, the
higher the price of peace will be for both sides. My heart grieves for
each and every Israeli or Palestinian - every boy or man, every girl or
woman - who dies in these
confrontations. Every news-flash that announces another bereavement
- irrespective of its source, ethnicity, family or origin - is a cause
for mourning by all peacemakers. Surely, Israelis and Palestinians
deserve happiness and fulfilment - peace, justice and security - in their
lives?
Having already developed a theology of land for their rights, is it
not time to stretch that theology a bit further and develop a theology
of peace that by its very definition is also tantamount to a leap of faith
in the land of prophets?
© harry-bvh @ 18 November 2000 |