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I
send also an opinion piece from the Israeli newspaper, Ha'aretz, written
by Elia Leibowitz who is a professor of astronomy at Tel Aviv
University. The article of An
honorable withdrawal outlines
a plan for a full withdrawal of Israelis from settlements in Gaza and the West
Bank With the Mitchell Committee Report bringing attention to Israel's
settlements and continued building, it's heartening to read this proposal and
better understand the debate that is going on among Israelis. I think that Mr.
Leibowitz is a visionary and a prophetic person who foresee the future and try
to find good and creative solutions, even if we see that his proposals should
be discussed and maybe modified in order to be more practical for both sides.
I allow myself to contribute in this debate with additional notes on the
article:
1)
I agree with him that the idea of the withdrawal of all the settlements
is great because it is the only way to have clear borders of both our future
states, otherwise, what will be the shape of our a Palestinian State cut in
small pieces without any geographical continuity.
2)
But, I think that the time of the withdrawal in five years is very
long, especially that they have occupied the territories in six days, why
should they put such time to effect the withdrawal? I understand the
psychological problem of convincing the settlers to move, and the logistic
problem of accommodating them inside the green line, but who will assure us
that they will respect this proposed time table, especially that we experience
in the previous agreement that they don’t have sacred covenant or dates?
Therefore, I suggest that they time should be shorter: as soon as possible and
once forever!
3)
Concerning what to do with the evacuated settlements I suggest to be
considered part of the compensations which should be paid to the refugees who
should return to their homeland after the suffering of the 53 years of
Diaspora, especially that they will not allow all of them to return inside
Israel, and that the actual settlements were build with Arab and Palestinian
hand workers with American money! This proposition doesn’t mean that the
refugees renounce their right of return according to UN resolution 194, but
Israel should recognize its moral and historical responsibility of their
suffering and then we can discuss the ways of implementing this right.
4)
It is clear that the writer stresses on the subject of the settlements
and the presence of the settlers in the occupied territories because this is
one of the most complicated issues of the final status negotiations, because
how you want 200.000 settlers to remain in 150 settlements inside the
Palestinian Independent State which should be created over 20% of the
historical Palestine while Israel will be controlling 80% of historical
Palestine? Therefore, it is very logical to resolve this serious problem
unless all these settlers will accept to be citizens of the Palestinian State
like the Arab Palestinian who are citizens of Israel inside the green line.
In
order to understand how much the presence of the settlers in the occupied
territories is very strange and dangerous, I send you an article written by
George N. Rishmawi Projects' Coordinator of The Palestinian Centre for
Rapprochement Between People. Pay attention
to settlers this is the title of the article.
Finally,
you will find also the Jerusalem Journal # 22 of
Sister Mary in which she is reporting us about the Caritas Baby Hospital in
Bethlehem and its contribution in serving the Palestinian society especially
children. It is really good to know that the church has a very important role
in the social field.
I
am sure that you have enough of documents to read in this Olive Branch, hoping
that you will enjoy it. Don’t forget that we are here to serve the truth and
ready to provide you of any information you need. Therefore, feel free to
contact us whenever you have any question.
Best
wishes from Jerusalem, which is waiting a new era of Justice and Peace.
Fr. Raed Abusahlia
Resolution
on the
Israeli-Palestinian Crisis
During
the last nine months we have watched with sorrow and dismay, as opportunities
for peace in the Middle East have been lost in a spiral of violence. This
violence is clearly seen in the destruction of so many homes, in the growing
number of wounded and disabled, and most of all in the number of Palestinians
and Israelis who have lost their lives, including many children and youth.
This cycle of violence has exacerbated an already dangerous situation and
dimmed prospects for peace. In this time of darkness, we make our own the
prayer of Pope John Paul II:
The
terms of the Middle East drama are well known: The Jewish people, after tragic
experiences connected with the extermination of so many sons and daughters,
driven by the desire for security, set up the State of Israel. At the same
time the painful condition of the Palestinian people was created, a large part
of whom are excluded from their land... Gathered here today, we present to the
One God, to the Living God, to the Father of all, the problems of peace in the
Middle East and also the problem, which is so dear to us, of the rapport and
real dialogue with those with whom we are united--in spite of the
differences--by faith in one God, the faith inherited from Abraham. May the
spirit of unity, mutual respect, and understanding prove to be more powerful
than what divides and sets in opposition." (Homily at Otranto, Italy,
Oct. 5, 1980)
In
this spirit, we reiterate our strong call of November 2000: "The only
acceptable option is an end to the violence, respect for the basic human
rights of all, and a return to the path of peace." (U.S. Catholic
Conference, November 15, 2000.) A way must be found to return quickly to
genuine negotiations, embracing, as far as possible, the gains made in the
last rounds of final status talks. We deeply regret that the negotiations last
summer and fall did not achieve a lasting settlement. Despite that failure and
recent, terrible events, it is not too late to embrace nonviolence, dialogue
and negotiation as the only road forward. The steps toward a just and lasting
peace remain the same: real security for the State of Israel, a viable state
for Palestinians, just resolution of the refugee problem, an agreement on
Jerusalem which protects religious freedom and other basic rights,1
an equitable sharing of resources, especially water, and implementation of
relevant UN resolutions and other provisions of international law.2
These steps will pave the way to a future of cooperation and accommodation
rather than occupation and conflict.
As supporters of the State of Israel and a state for Palestinians, we
recognize that each side in this conflict has deep, long-standing and
legitimate grievances that must be addressed if there is to be a just and
lasting peace.
It is necessary for all to recognize that Palestinians rightly insist on an
end to Israel's three-decade-long occupation of the West Bank and Gaza and to
the continued establishment and expansion of settlements. Palestinians see
this occupation, maintained by force and marked by daily indignities, abuse
and violence, as a central underlying cause of the present crisis. Israel has
a fundamental right to security, but security will not be won by ongoing
annexation of Palestinian land, blockades, air strikes on cities, destruction
of crops and homes, and other excessive uses of force.
It is also necessary for all to recognize that Israelis rightly see the
failure of Palestinians to demonstrate full respect for Israel's right to
exist and flourish within secure borders as a fundamental cause of the
conflict. Palestinian leaders must clearly renounce violence and terrorist
acts against innocent civilians; take effective steps to stop them, and bring
to justice those responsible. The violence undermines the trust required to
make peace and weakens the Palestinian search for justice. The Palestinian
Authority must show the Israeli people that it is fully committed to prepare
its people to live in peace with Israel.
These times call for new attitudes on the part of all the parties to the
conflict. "We all know," the Holy Father said during his recent
visit to Syria, "that real peace can only be achieved if there is a new
attitude of understanding and respect between the peoples of the region,
between the followers of the three Abrahamic religions.... [I]t is important
that there be an evolution in the way the peoples of the region see one
another and that at every level of society the principles of peaceful
coexistence be taught and promoted." (Remarks upon arrival in Damascus,
Syria, May 5, 2001.)
In the same spirit, this is a moment that requires that more Palestinian
leaders and supporters of the Palestinian cause not simply advocate a
Palestinian state, but also be unambiguously clear about Israel's right to
peace and security, and the imperative to end all violence. This moment
equally requires that more Israeli leaders and supporters of the State of
Israel not only defend Israel and her people, but also advocate for the
legitimate aspiration of Palestinians to live in their own homeland with
dignity. At the same time, each community must refrain from inciting hatred
against the other. We pray that the voices urging respect for the rights and
aspirations of both Israelis and Palestinians will be heeded by their leaders
and people. The just claims of both peoples should also enjoy the active
support of Christians throughout the world. Civic, educational and religious
leaders should be challenged to refrain from fanning the flames of ethnic and
religious prejudice and be encouraged to promote a process of reconciliation
without which peace will never be a reality.
While peace will ultimately spring from new attitudes and new ways of acting
on the part of Palestinians and Israelis, our government, as well as the
entire international community, must be actively engaged, in appropriate and
significant ways, in working for a just and comprehensive solution to this
conflict. We expect that they will do so in a way that responds respectfully
to the legitimate claims and expectations of both parties, and does not
acquiesce in unilateral actions which undermine negotiations.
As Catholics in the United States, we have a special concern for the toll the
Israeli-Palestinian struggle is taking on the Christian communities in the
area. The native-born Christian presence in Israel and the occupied
territories, less than two per-cent of the total, risks shrinking into
insignificance, in no small part due to the present troubles and their human
and economic consequences. Other developments, such as the concerns of
Christians about the Nazareth mosque, only exacerbate a sense of
marginalization. As a result of these and other factors, the future of a
living Christian presence in the Holy Land is in doubt. The Latin Patriarch
Michel Sabbah, himself a Palestinian from Nazareth, has pleaded with families
to remain as faithful witnesses to the Gospel in the Holy Land. Regrettably,
many families have already emigrated and many more are tempted to do so.
Partnerships with Catholic parishes in the Holy Land are one way to encourage
the Christian presence there.
Mindful of our historic debt to the Church in the Holy Land and our duties of
solidarity to a sister church in severe need, we ask Catholics in the United
States to join in strengthening the Church there during the present crisis and
supporting its work for a just peace. We urge Catholics to be much more
conscious of and give much greater attention to the crisis in the Middle East,
and do what they can to support a living Christian presence in the land of
Jesus' birth. We urge them to be unflagging in pressing our government to play
an active and constructive role in the search for a just peace. We urge them
to reach out in dialogue and joint action with Jews, Muslims and other
Christians in this country. Finally, we urge them to support generously the
urgent relief and development work of Catholic Relief Services, the Catholic
Near East Welfare Association, the Assembly of Catholic Bishops of the Holy
Land, and other worthy initiatives. The efforts of these and other
organizations would be severely undermined if the U.S. government were to cut
off humanitarian aid for the occupied territories, as some are proposing.
We pray that the God of peace, who has called us to be ambassadors of
reconciliation, will achieve what human means alone cannot. Confident in God's
blessings, we ask U.S. Catholics to join us through their prayers, their
fasting and their good works in assisting Palestinians and Israelis, Jews,
Muslims and Christians, in securing justice and peace in the Holy Land.
1 The question of Jerusalem involves two aspects. Territorial
sovereignty is a bilateral question for Israelis and the Palestinian
Authority to resolve equitably and by negotiations according to UN
Resolutions. The religious dimension of Jerusalem, especially the
"Old City," involves the need to preserve its unique and sacred
character, both the Holy Places and the living communities of believers there.
In order to safeguard the religious and human dimensions of Jerusalem, the
Holy See has long advocated a special statute, internationally guaranteed.
This statute would secure: (1) freedom of religion and conscience for all; (2)
the juridical equality of the three monotheistic religions; (3) respect for
the identity and sacred character of the City; (4) protection of and freedom
of access for all to the Holy Places; (5) the regime of "status quo"
in Holy Places where it applies. This statute, to be negotiated by the two
parties in consultation with the three religious communities, could be
guaranteed by the UN, the sponsors of the peace process, or another entity,
but, in any case, should be sanctioned by the United Nations.
2 Among the pertinent UN Resolutions are nos. 242, 338, and 194.
__________________________________
Office of Social Development & World Peace
National Conference of Catholic Bishops/United States Catholic Conference
3211 4th Street, N.E., Washington, DC 20017-1194 (202) 541-3000
June
19, 2001 Copyright © by United States Catholic Conference
Jerusalem
Journal # 22
June
22, 2001
Sister
Mary
During
the Christmas season of 1952 a priest from Switzerland was one of the pilgrims
to Bethlehem, and while the church bells rang for Midnight Mass he witnessed a
Palestinian refugee bury his child, dead from starvation and cold. Deeply
affected, Fr. Schnydrig immediately rented two rooms there in the town of
Jesus' birth and furnished them with 14 cots. That is how the famous Caritas
Baby Hospital began. Those two rooms were quickly outgrown and Caritas
has moved three times; in 1978 the present hospital was built, remodeled and
enlarged twice, and now offers care to 80 babies and has an out-patient
clinic as well as primary health care services in two villages on the West
Bank.
Two
hundred staff members include 12 doctors and 18 registered nurses working with
the Palestinian support staff, spending their time in a ward for premature
babies or in the two wards of babies and infants who suffer from chest
infections, gastroenteritis, malnutrition, injuries and genetic malformations.
The annual number of babies admitted to Caritas ranges from 3000 - 3500 yearly
with infants mainly from the Bethlehem and Hebron districts. Caritas aims to
provide pediatric care mainly for low income families and the the average
daily cost is $120.00, yet the hospital only asks for $30.00 a day; the
remainder coming from the generous Swiss, German and Austrian peoples who
support Caritas. Many Christian and Moselm families who come now cannot even
pay this small fee due to the loss of income because of Israeli road closures
and the war-torn economy. One child from Gaza who was brought to the hospital
prior to last October must still be on a feeding tube.
The mother is not allowed by the Israeli Army to pass out of Gaza, but she
remains undaunted and finds a way to call the hospital weekly so that her
daughter will know she cares and will not forget her voice.
Caritas
Baby Hospital has an amazing kitchen where formulas are prepared for each
baby. Powdered milk, the base for these formulas comes from Ramallah, but when
the Israeli Government imposes strict closures, supplies, including this milk
are not allowed out of Ramallah -- even though the lives of 80 infants are at
risk.
In
an effort to help the local ecomony, the hospital does not hire volunteers,
preferring to have
local Arab women, whose families need the income. There are, however,
Europeans who are part of the professional staff. Europeans are free to travel
and Palestinians are not. So these Drs. and nurses attend conferences about
the latest developments in pediatric medicine and techniques. Then when they
return to Caritas in Bethlehem, they are able to update the rest of the staff
and thus keep the hospital progressive in pediatric care. Caritas Baby
Hospital also has a Nursing School with a two-year course for pediatric
practical nurses.
Though
the official name of the hospital is now Kinderhilfe Bethlehem, the name given
by Fr. Schnydrig in 1952, Caritas Baby Hospital, is still the name by which
this remarkable institution is known here.
An
honorable withdrawal
A six-points plan to enjoy peace and security
Ha'aretz,
Friday, June 22, 2001
By Elia Leibowitz
President Moshe Katsav recommended last week that any citizen who has an idea
about what Israel should do in the present political-military situation,
should write to the prime minister and make his suggestions. The president
himself did so last week. I would like to respond to the president's request,
and to publicly propose to the prime minister, the principles of a six-part
political plan. In my humble opinion, only such a plan, or a similar one, can
(perhaps) save us from a war which is apparently about to engulf us in the
not-so-distant future.
The plan is based on four assumptions:
1. In the future (at a time as yet unknown), a Palestinian state will be
founded on the territory of the historical Land of Israel, alongside the State
of Israel. Its boundaries will be no smaller than those of the territories on
the other side of the Green Line. The Palestinian state will not include a
single Jewish settlement under Israeli sovereignty.
2. The State of Israel cannot gain anything from a war with Palestine and with
other Arab countries. The security situation of the state will not be better
than it is now, and its geographical boundaries extend beyond the present
Green Line, no matter what the outcome of the battles in an all-out war.
3.All of the Arab countries combined –– not to mention Palestine alone
–– lack the military or political power to cause a strategic blow to the
State of Israel within the borders of the Green Line. Nevertheless, this
situation will not go on forever, and it is likely to change for the worse if
Jewish settlements continue to exist by force of arms within the (designated,
as of now) area of Palestine.
4. The circle of Israeli citizens who will recognize the validity of the first
three assumptions will continue to grow, as the damage to life and property in
the State of Israel increases.
The following are the points of the plan:
1. The government of Israel will declare a five-year plan for a unilateral
Israeli withdrawal from (almost) all the territories beyond the Green Line.
The first two years will be dedicated entirely to preparations for the
withdrawal.
2. The government of Israel will establish a special government ministry (the
Ministry of Reunification), headed by a senior minister and an effective
director-general, whose only job will be the resettlement and rehabilitation
within the boundaries of the Green Line, of all the citizens now living beyond
this line.
3. The government of Israel will establish a ministry headed by a senior
minister and an effective director-general, to deal with the water problems of
the State of Israel. One of the main jobs of the Water Ministry will be to
minimize the dependence of the Israeli water system on the geology and ecology
of the territories beyond the Green Line.
4. The government of Israel will carry out, at its own expense, a project to
build a roadway connecting the Gaza Strip with the areas of the West Bank (the
Inter-Palestinian Highway).
5. The government of Israel will publish a strict schedule for withdrawing
from all points of Jewish settlement beyond the Green Line. The government
will decide on a very small number of exceptions (such as the Gilo
neighborhood in Jerusalem), during the first two years of the plan, in
consultation with the IDF (Israel Defense Forces) and with additional
professional advisers. The withdrawal will begin during the third year of the
plan, and will continue for three years, in accordance with the schedule
published in advance. The withdrawal will be carried out without regard to the
degree of violence in Israeli territory, and will be stopped only if a foreign
army enters the territory of Israel, or in the wake of a strategic threat to
Israel by any external factor.
6. The government of Israel will make an offer to the PA to leave in place all
the buildings and infrastructure of the civilian settlements from which Israel
withdraws. In exchange, the government of Israel will demand concrete
political benefits. For example, in exchange for leaving the city of Ariel in
place, Israel will demand a public declaration by the PA, in all the languages
in the world, including Arabic, from every possible platform (such as the UN
General Assembly), and via all existing media, that the PA considers the
receipt of the city of Ariel part of the compensation to which citizens of the
PA are entitled, in its opinion. In exchange for not destroying other
settlements, Israel will demand the establishment of a Palestinian embassy in
Jerusalem, etc. If the PA refuses to pay the political price demanded, Israel
will blow up every place left behind, and will leave the Palestinians only
scorched earth. Whatever the case, the withdrawal will take place.
Does the proposed plan guarantee that there won''t be war? Unfortunately, the
answer is negative. With the exception of divine interference, there is
nothing that can guarantee that there won''t be war. However, in my humble
opinion, implementing the plan will turn the outbreak of war from a near
certainty into a matter for reasonable doubt, and that''s a very big
difference. In addition, if war breaks out after the plan is implemented, or
while it is being activated, Israel''s military situation will be better than
it is now, when the army is required to protect tens of thousands of citizens,
women and children, who are scattered in dozens of settlements in the heart of
the Arab area.
It''s true that the economic price of the plan is enormous. There is no doubt
that its implementation will be a financial burden which will be felt by every
citizen of the state. Nevertheless, it is worth remembering that the cost of
the plan will be no greater than the cost of only a few days of war.
Any government in Israel will have a very hard time selling this plan, or any
similar idea, to its citizens. It will be particularly difficult to convince
Israelis who live in the territories, those who will have to pay the highest
price for its implementation. Therefore, at this stage, the first and most
important role of the prime minister and his cabinet will be to convince the
citizens of Israel that there is no alternative plan for significantly
reducing the danger of war. The government must explain to the people that the
moment of truth will come, and better sooner, with only a few Israeli
casualties, than later, with many unnecessary victims on both sides. The
government must do this, even at the price of its collapse. In such a case,
the prime minister will have fulfilled his main obligation for now, and made
his contribution to preventing war; then the sole and decisive responsibility
for continuing to prevent it will pass from his shoulders to the lap of the
next prime minister.
The writer is a professor of astronomy at Tel Aviv University.
Pay attention to settlers
By Ghassan Andoni
PCR Exc. Director
Settlers
are the last resort for Sharon to avoid moving towards the second item of
Mitchell’s report. The first indicator came with the attack launched against
a Palestinian family near Mishor Adumim colony. Mobilizing settlers at this
critical moment will create an atmosphere in which Arafat will not be able to
succeed in his efforts to convince Palestinians to give diplomacy a chance.
Until
the declaration of the ceasefire, settlers were on daily basis fueling the
conflict and expanding it. While the Israeli and international public are only
exposed to news of Palestinian attacks against settlers and their colonies,
thousands of reports of settlers actions were circulated by many human rights
organizations, Israeli peace activists, and Palestinian media. Acts of
beatings, burning homes in villages, uprooting trees, entering villages and
terrorizing people, and establishing new colonies are only samples of what
settlers were doing through the eight months long crisis. Most of such acts
were coordinated with the Israeli army.
Escalating
their actions through organizing terror groups and firing at Palestinians
homes, individuals, and vehicles will increase the possibility of Palestinian
revenge attacks which is exactly what Sharon wants to avoid moving to item two
in the ceasefire agreement.
To
give the diplomatic efforts a chance to succeed, the international community
should demand that Israel withdraw all arms from the hands of settlers and for
the Israeli army to be the only armed Israeli body in the occupied
territories.
__________________________________________________________________
George N. Rishmawi
Projects' Coordinator of The Palestinian Centre for Rapprochement Between
People
Star Street No. 64 P.O.Box 24 Beit Sahour – Palestine www.rapprochement.org
Telefax: +972-2-2772018
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